Rigged From the Start: The Untold Truth About America’s Family Court Bias
A Promise of Neutrality, A Pattern of Imbalance
American family courts promise a simple ideal: decisions must serve the best interests of the child and treat parents equally under the law. Yet the lived reality for many men tells a different story. Across custody, parenting time, child support, alimony, and enforcement, outcomes still tilt in ways that leave fathers with less time, less authority, and heavier financial obligations. Some of that tilt comes from history. Some comes from how families divide labor before separation. Some comes from lingering cultural assumptions about mothers as primary caregivers and fathers as secondary earners. And some comes from the way laws and enforcement systems actually operate on the ground, state by state, courtroom by courtroom.
This feature examines the evidence behind those patterns. It traces the arc from nineteenth-century paternal control, through the twentieth-century “tender years” maternal preference, to modern “best interest” statutes that are gender-neutral on paper. It digs into national data, shows how the map changes by state, and explores how advocacy movements and legal scholarship have tried to pull practice toward principle. It also considers the limits and cautions: why equal time presumptions must be paired with safety carve-outs; why enforcement symmetry matters; and why reforms must reflect the complexities of real families rather than slogans. The goal is neither to valorize fathers nor to villainize mothers, but to lay out the evidence with clarity so that policy—and personal decisions—can be guided by facts.
From Fathers’ Ownership to Mothers’ Preference to Neutral Statutes

The United States inherited a family law framework from English common law that initially vested custody rights in fathers. In the early nineteenth century, a father’s status as legal head of household conferred near-automatic control over children upon separation. By the mid-1800s, however, courts began embracing the “tender years” doctrine—the idea that very young children should be with their mothers. In the twentieth century that maternal preference widened in practice. In many jurisdictions, unless the mother was demonstrably unfit, judges placed children with her, particularly in the preschool years.
By the 1970s and 1980s, that explicit preference faced two converging pressures. The first was the women’s movement, which fought for formal equality and rejected legal rules that treated gender roles as destiny. The second was the fathers’ rights movement, which argued that men should not be relegated to visiting or funding roles by default and that children benefit from robust relationships with both parents. Statutes across the states shifted to gender-neutral language. The “best interests of the child” standard became the governing test, often with lengthy factor lists touching on each parent’s caregiving history, the child’s needs, parental cooperation, and, in many states, the importance of frequent and continuing contact with both parents.
On paper, that is where we still stand: gender-neutral, child-focused statutes. But the best-interest test gives judges wide discretion. When discretion meets culture and history, old patterns can persist. That is the heart of today’s debate.
Custody and Parenting Time: The Center of Gravity

National Snapshot
Despite neutral statutes, mothers remain the primary custodial parent in the great majority of cases where one parent has primary physical custody. National counts of custodial parents have, for years, found that about four out of five custodial parents are mothers, with fathers constituting roughly one in five. That ratio has improved for men since the 1990s, but the pattern remains strong.
Why? The first answer is behavioral, not judicial. The vast majority of custody outcomes are not decided at trials; they are negotiated. Parents, often guided by their lawyers and by their pre-separation routines, craft stipulations that courts adopt. If mom handled most daily caregiving during the relationship—school mornings, doctor appointments, homework—parents commonly preserve that arrangement. This is the continuity principle: courts, and parents, tend to put children where they already spend most time.
The second answer is perception. Many fathers enter the process believing they will lose if they ask for primary custody. They accept limited time because they think it is the best they can get, or because they fear a fight will damage the co-parenting relationship. Attorneys sometimes reinforce that caution. As a result, a large share of the gender tilt is set before a judge ever weighs evidence.
But those explanations do not erase the role of bias. Surveys of family law practitioners have, for decades, reported that many judges still arrive with an implicit assumption that young children belong with their mothers, or that mothers are inherently more “natural” caregivers. Social change has eroded those beliefs, but habits persist, especially where judicial training is sparse or local culture is traditional.
When Courts Decide
Once a case goes all the way to a judicial decision, the numbers look less lopsided. A careful body of analysis has found that fathers who actively seek primary custody or robust joint-physical custody and present credible caregiving plans often succeed more than popular narratives suggest. In some court datasets, fathers prevailed in a substantial share of contested outcomes. That does not prove courts are bias-free; it suggests that when judges are presented with clean facts and clear plans, the written neutrality of the law can matter. The gap between the national snapshot and the contested-case snapshot points again to the larger forces at play: negotiated norms and pre-separation roles.
The Parenting-Time Spectrum by State
Where a father lives can matter as much as anything else. Parenting time for non-custodial fathers averages roughly one-third of overnights across the country, but the range by state is enormous. In some states, typical schedules approach 50/50. In others, fathers average closer to one-fifth of the year—essentially alternate weekends plus a midweek dinner and part of summer.
Policy explains much of that spread. Over the last decade, multiple states have adopted statutes that presume equal shared parenting time for fit, willing parents, allowing courts to deviate when circumstances warrant. Kentucky was the first to codify a broad 50/50 presumption for final orders. Arkansas, West Virginia, and several others have moved in similar directions, while many more have enacted language that, while short of a hard presumption, urges courts to maximize meaningful time with both parents. Judges operating under these frameworks begin at parity and adjust. Elsewhere, without presumptions, discretionary practice can hew to older patterns.
Culture and geography interact with policy. Regions with longer commutes and broader suburban footprints often face logistical barriers to midweek overnights. Rural counties can have judges with thinner dockets and less access to mediation resources. At the same time, urban courts may be overloaded, pushing parties to accept off-the-shelf schedules. The point is not to stereotype regions but to recognize how local conditions shape the difference between theory and practice.
Infants, Toddlers, and the Residue of Tender Years
One domain where maternal preference lingers is infancy. Even in formally neutral jurisdictions, many judges hesitate to approve extended overnights for fathers with breastfeeding infants or toddlers unless the father has a strong track record of hands-on care. Some courts craft step-up schedules that increase overnight time as a child ages. That approach reflects evolving child-development research but also inherits an older instinct: for very young children, mother is often seen as the attachment anchor. As children reach school age, equal-time frameworks become more common.
Interference, Gatekeeping, and Enforcement
Parenting time is only as meaningful as a court’s willingness to enforce it. When a custodial parent obstructs exchanges or conditions visits on behavior unrelated to the child’s safety, courts can order make-up time, issue sanctions, or in severe cases change custody. In practice, enforcement is inconsistent and often slow. Fathers report that while missed support payments trigger swift garnishment, missed weekends require new motions, new hearings, and months of delay. That asymmetry breeds cynicism and makes “every-other-weekend dad” a self-fulfilling prophecy.
Maternal gatekeeping—conscious or unconscious behaviors that restrict a father’s access—appears in both research and lived accounts: withholding information about school events, micromanaging routines to the point of impracticability, or using minor conflicts to justify cancellations. The solution is not to criminalize miscommunication but to give courts rapid-response tools: expedited calendars for visitation violations, automatic make-up time within a set window, escalating fines for chronic obstruction, and clear “friendly-parent” factors that reward the parent most likely to foster the child’s relationship with the other parent.
Child Support: Structure, Burden, and Symmetry

Child support doctrine is, in principle, gender-neutral. Most states compute obligations using guidelines that plug in each parent’s income, the number of children, health-care and childcare costs, and the share of parenting time. But because mothers are more often the primary custodial parent, fathers are more often the payers. That is a structural result of the custody distribution, not a gender directive in the statute.
National Patterns and Collection
The majority of dollars paid in child support flow from men to women. Average orders vary widely by state and by income. For median earners supporting one child, monthly orders commonly land in the mid-hundreds, scaling upward with income and downward with significant parenting time. Collection rates are imperfect across the board. A significant share of custodial parents receive less than the full amount due in a given year, and a meaningful portion receive nothing. Among custodial fathers—still a minority—non-payment rates by mothers tend to be higher. That suggests that while child support enforcement agencies are robust, their focus and tooling have historically been oriented toward collecting from men who are payers in the large majority of cases.
When Orders Become Unpayable
Support orders are set based on information available at the time. When a payer loses a job or faces a steep income drop, guidelines usually permit modification. The problem is lag. Job losses and income drops are immediate; court calendars are not. Arrears accumulate quickly and then trigger punitive tools such as license suspensions—exactly the wrong move if the goal is to help a parent reenter the workforce. Fathers with low earnings, unstable employment, or past-due tax obligations can find themselves in a churn: owing more than they can pay, losing a license or professional credential, then facing contempt for noncompliance.
A smarter approach combines fast-track modification procedures with employment support. Some states have experimented with right-sizing arrears, pausing interest when payers are in verified job-training programs, or substituting community service for punitive fines when ability to pay is genuinely lacking. Effective policy treats child support as a child-welfare tool, not a debtors’ trap.
How Parenting Time Interacts with Support
More equal parenting time reduces the need for large transfers because each parent carries direct expenses during their weeks. That is not an argument for a math trick—it is a reality about beds, food, utilities, clothing, and transportation. Guidelines should reflect that reality: when a parent has the child for 40 to 50 percent of nights, base obligations should fall substantially, and add-ons should be shared equitably. Opponents sometimes worry that this incentivizes parents to seek time for money rather than for the child. The antidote is careful judicial scrutiny of motives and a bright-line rule: equal time is presumptive only when both parents are fit, local conditions support it, and the parenting plan is concrete and workable.
Alimony: Fading Permanence, Persistent Patterns

Spousal support was once a predictable feature of divorce for long-married, single-earner families: the husband paid, often indefinitely, and the wife received. In 1979, the Supreme Court required gender neutrality, but practical outcomes have remained skewed. Men still pay most alimony because men, on average, still earn more and because women, on average, still take on more unpaid caregiving during marriage. That pattern is changing as women’s earnings rise, but not enough to flip the aggregate.
The more important change is structural: permanent alimony is markedly less common. States have moved toward rehabilitative support designed to help a lower-earning spouse retool, reenter, or stabilize. Duration caps tied to marriage length are now typical. Courts explicitly consider both parties’ capacity for self-support. In some states, long-term support remains available for disability or very long marriages, but the expectation increasingly is that both spouses work if they can.
One under-reported piece of the puzzle is that men eligible to receive alimony often do not request it. Pride, stigma, and cultural narratives can make men reluctant to ask a court to order support from a higher-earning ex-wife. That reluctance is slowly fading as economic roles diversify. For policy, the more pressing question is whether statutes and judicial practice calibrate spousal support to real need rather than lifetime maintenance. The trend is in that direction.
Evidence Beyond Numbers: Research, Scholarship, Advocacy

What the Social Science Says
A large body of research suggests that, when abuse is absent and parental conflict is manageable, children benefit from stable relationships with both parents. Studies repeatedly associate joint physical custody with better academic outcomes, fewer behavioral problems, and stronger mental health compared to sole custody arrangements that marginalize one parent. The mechanism is straightforward: children gain from having two engaged adults who share time, responsibility, and emotional labor. That does not mean equal time works in every case. High-conflict parents may require different structures, and safety must override parity. But the empirical support for sustained, meaningful father involvement is strong.
On bias and outcomes, careful studies complicate the picture. Some analyses suggest that, controlling for caregiving history and case factors, mothers still receive primary custody at higher rates than fathers with similar profiles—evidence of residual bias. Other studies note that when fathers pursue contested custody fully, their win rates are higher than expected, which implies that the larger disparity owes much to pre-litigation choices and patterns of care. The most credible conclusion is the modest one: formal neutrality coexists with habits and expectations that are slow to change, and those habits still tilt outcomes toward mothers in many settings.
Legal Analysis and the Problem of Standards
Legal scholars have long criticized the “best interests” test as too vague. It gives judges discretion to craft child-specific solutions but offers little guidance, which opens the door to personal assumptions. That is both the test’s strength and its weakness. To curb arbitrariness, many reformers support presumptions: start with equal parenting time for fit, willing parents living reasonably close, then deviate when clear case facts demand it. Presumptions convert discretion from an open-ended question into a guided inquiry. Critics warn that hard presumptions can trap victims of abuse in dangerous arrangements or compress nuanced family needs into mechanical formulas. The best statutes split the difference: a strong presumption with explicit, evidence-based exceptions for safety, neglect, substance abuse, chronic noncooperation, and long-distance logistics.
Advocacy Movements and Their Claims
Fathers’ rights organizations have pushed the shared-parenting agenda into mainstream policy. Their core planks are straightforward: presume equal time for fit parents, make visitation enforcement real, modernize support to reflect parenting time and ability to pay, and require courts to reward parents who encourage the child’s bond with the other parent. They frame these as children’s rights as much as fathers’ rights, emphasizing data on the costs of father absence.
On the other side, domestic violence advocates and many women’s organizations stress that universal equal-time rules can endanger victims and children, that courts under-recognize abuse, and that allegations are sometimes disbelieved or reframed as “alienation.” They point to cases where abusive fathers have gained custody by painting mothers as unstable, and to the high rates at which women experience intimate partner violence. They argue that neutrality is an illusion when power imbalances and safety risks are present.
These positions are not mutually exclusive if policy is drafted with care. Equal-time presumptions can contain robust safety carve-outs. Visitation enforcement can distinguish between corrective and punitive remedies, escalating only when willful obstruction is clear. Support can be designed to ensure children’s needs are met while recognizing the realities of shared care. The point is to build a system that rewards good-faith parenting and protects against genuine harm.
State-Level Illustrations: The Policy Lab

Consider three policy categories that produce very different lived experiences for fathers, mothers, and children.
Equal-Time Presumption States. Where statutes direct courts to begin at 50/50 for fit, willing parents living close enough to make it work, negotiated outcomes often cluster around parity. Fathers enter bargaining with leverage they lacked under a pure discretion regime. The psychological effect is real: when even time is the starting line, parents are more likely to design workable calendars, and disputes often shift from whether dad gets overnights to how to coordinate school logistics.
Hybrid States. Some jurisdictions do not codify a presumption but instruct courts to maximize contact with both parents and to consider which parent is more likely to facilitate the other’s relationship with the child. In those states, outcomes vary more by judge, county, and case posture. Active fathers who present detailed plans can do well; passive fathers who accept hand-me-downs from standard schedules often land near one-third of overnights.
Discretion-Dominant States. Where statutes remain heavily general and local practice has not evolved, the “every-other-weekend plus dinner” template remains common. That pattern is reinforced by templates in mediation offices, overburdened dockets, and the absence of policy nudges. Fathers willing to litigate can exceed the template, but at higher cost and uncertainty.
The map is changing. Legislative sessions across the country now routinely feature bills to move time-sharing closer to parity, define friendly-parent factors, and streamline support modifications. The most durable bills are those that marry equal-time presumptions with clear, enforceable exceptions and that pair parenting reforms with enforcement symmetry.
Enforcement Symmetry: Time and Money

A consistent complaint from fathers is that the system enforces money far more reliably than time. Wage garnishment, tax intercepts, and credit penalties for nonpayment are routine. Equivalent, automatic tools for denied parenting time are rare. When a mother (or any custodial parent) blocks weekends, a father typically must file a motion, wait for a hearing, and hope for a remedy. By the time a court orders make-up time, the lost moments are gone.
A credible enforcement regime would add three components:
-
Rapid Response. An expedited calendar for parenting-time violations, with hearings within days, not months. Where facts are clear, judges can order make-up time immediately.
-
Escalation. A ladder of consequences for chronic, willful interference: first fines, then attorney’s fees, and ultimately a credible threat of custody modification when a parent proves unwilling to foster the child’s relationship with the other parent.
-
Parallel Expectations. Enforce the same standards regardless of which parent holds custody. The child’s interest in seeing both parents is not gendered.
Symmetry also matters on the financial side. When mothers pay support to custodial fathers, agencies should pursue arrears with the same vigor used in the far more common reverse scenario. That parity is both fair and confidence-building.
Safety First: Abuse, Neglect, and High Conflict

Any push toward equal parenting time must be anchored in safety. The right reforms balance several truths:
-
False allegations exist and can be used strategically, which argues for careful fact-finding rather than reflexive acceptance.
-
Abuse is real and under-reported, and courts can be too quick to treat high conflict as mutual rather than asymmetric, which argues for specialized training and trauma-informed procedures.
-
Children exposed to violence or coercive control suffer lasting harm, which argues for strong carve-outs and supervised contact when necessary.
Courts need reliable tools for these hard cases: independent guardians ad litem when appropriate; evaluators with training in both domestic violence dynamics and child development; and clear standards that separate alienation tactics from legitimate protective behavior. Equal-time presumptions must yield to credible risk.
Practical Advice for Fathers: Building a Winnable Case

Reform takes time. Meanwhile, individual fathers make decisions today. Three principles emerge from both research and experience.
Show, Don’t Tell. Judges respond to evidence of caregiving. Records of school pickups, medical appointments, teacher communications, and bedtime routines carry more weight than complaints about bias. A father who can layout a week-on/week-off plan aligned with his work schedule, school start times, and extracurriculars presents as a parent, not a petitioner.
Be the Friendly Parent. Courts look for the adult most likely to support the child’s bond with the other parent. Avoid public denigration, offer flexible swaps, and document cooperation. Even in high conflict, a consistent tone of facilitation is an asset.
Ask for the Right Remedy. Do not begin at “every other weekend” if your goal is equal time. Start at parity if safety and logistics support it. If equal time is not workable immediately, propose a step-up schedule that reaches parity as soon as conditions allow. On support, request guideline adjustments that reflect actual overnights, and seek swift modification when income changes.
None of this guarantees a specific outcome. It does align strategy with the way judges decide cases.
Why This Matters: Beyond the Courtroom

Family court outcomes ripple outward. For children, sustained access to both parents—when safe—means more adult attention, more stability, and more resources. For fathers, meaningful parenting time is linked to better mental health, stronger community ties, and steadier employment. For mothers, shared schedules can ease pressure to be the default parent and allow fuller career participation. For the public, families that cooperate rather than litigate relieve court congestion and reduce the need for punitive enforcement.
There is also a civic dimension. A system that reliably treats both parents as essential reinforces personal responsibility. A system that treats one as a visitor breeds disengagement and resentment. Policy choices either reinforce or erode a culture of shared duty.
The Path Forward: Principles for Durable Reform

The most credible reform agenda brings together insights from both camps and from the center:
-
Start at Parity for Fit Parents. A rebuttable presumption of equal parenting time sets a fair baseline. It should be conditioned on proximity, parental fitness, and workable scheduling.
-
Carve Out Safety with Teeth. Presumptions must dissolve in the face of credible evidence of abuse, neglect, or coercive control. Courts should be empowered and trained to identify and act on those risks.
-
Enforce Time Like Money. Build rapid-response visitation enforcement with automatic make-up time and escalating remedies for willful interference.
-
Modernize Support. Tie obligations more tightly to actual parenting time and ability to pay. Create swift modification channels for job loss. Treat arrears as a child-welfare problem, not only a collections problem.
-
Reward Cooperation. Codify friendly-parent factors. Parents who encourage the child’s bond with the other parent should be favored in close calls.
-
Invest in Resolution. Expand access to mediation, parenting coordination, and standardized step-up plans that reduce litigation over schedules as children age.
-
Train the Bench. Judges and evaluators need ongoing education in child development, domestic violence dynamics, and the practicalities of shared parenting.
None of these principles guarantees harmony. Families are varied and human. But they move the system toward outcomes that reflect modern life and the needs of children rather than the habits of a prior era.
Conclusion: Matching Law to Life
American family law has traveled a long road—from father control to mother preference to neutral statutes. The law has largely caught up to the idea that both parents matter. Practice lags behind. The current mix—mothers as primary custodians in most cases, fathers as primary payers in most cases, and a patchwork of parenting-time standards—reflects culture, negotiation dynamics, and the uneven spread of reforms. It also reflects real constraints: distance, work schedules, and the complexities of human relationships.
Change is happening. Equal-time presumptions have taken root in several states and are moving through legislatures in many more. Alimony’s old permanence is giving way to time-limited support. Child support formulas increasingly acknowledge shared care. Courts are more willing than they once were to see a father as a weekday parent, not just a weekend guest. Yet for many men, the daily experience remains one of uphill battles: to be recognized as a full parent, to enforce time, to manage obligations fairly when income falls, to avoid being treated as a wallet rather than a dad.
The way forward is not to relitigate the past but to finish the long project of aligning law with life. Children do best when safe, loving bonds with both parents are preserved. Fathers, as a group, want more than a seat in the bleachers—they want the responsibilities and joys of ordinary weekdays. Mothers, as a group, benefit when the burden of default parenthood is shared. A court system that treats time as seriously as money and starts from parity among fit parents can deliver those gains.
The promise of neutrality is not enough. Families need a framework that makes neutrality real. That means presumptions with guardrails, enforcement with symmetry, and judgments grounded in the specific facts of each child’s world. It means measuring success not by who “wins” a case but by whether children leave the process with both of their parents still fully, safely, and steadily in their lives.
References
- Amato, Paul R. “Reconsidering the ‘Good Divorce.’” The Family Court Review (reprinted on PubMed Central), 2011. https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC3223936/
- Bartlett, Katharine T. “Prioritizing Past Caretaking in Child-Custody Decisionmaking.” Law and Contemporary Problems 77, no. 1 (2014): 29–87. https://scholarship.law.duke.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=4387&context=lcp
- Bea, Megan D. 2022–2024 Child Support Policy Research Agreement. Institute for Research on Poverty, University of Wisconsin–Madison, 2025. https://www.irp.wisc.edu/wp/wp-content/uploads/2025/01/CSRA-2022-2024-T8-Report.pdf
- Coons, John E. “Deciding What’s Best for Children.” University of California, Berkeley, Public Law & Legal Theory Research Paper Series, 2012. https://www.law.berkeley.edu/files/Decding_Whats_Best_for_Children%281%29.pdf
- Fabricius, William V., Sanford L. Braver, Priscila Diaz, and Clorinda E. Velez. “Custody and Parenting Time: Links to Family Relationships and Well-Being After Divorce.” 2010 chapter PDF (author-hosted). https://www.thecustodyminefield.com/research/fabricius-et-al-parenting-time-health.pdf
- Grall, Timothy. Custodial Mothers and Fathers and Their Child Support: 2017. Current Population Reports, P60-269. U.S. Census Bureau, May 2020. https://www.census.gov/content/dam/Census/library/publications/2020/demo/p60-269.pdf
- Maccoby, Eleanor E., and Robert H. Mnookin. Dividing the Child: Social and Legal Dilemmas of Custody. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1992. https://books.google.com/books/about/Dividing_the_Child.html?id=6rIHHKvQRJ0C
- Melli, Marygold S. “The American Law Institute Principles of Family Dissolution: A View from the Kitchen.” Northern Illinois University Law Review 25 (2005): 347–372. https://huskiecommons.lib.niu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1311&context=niulr
- Mnookin, Robert H. “Child-Custody Adjudication: Judicial Functions in the Face of Indeterminacy.” Law and Contemporary Problems 39, no. 3 (Summer 1975): 226–293. https://scholarship.law.duke.edu/lcp/vol39/iss3/8/
- Mnookin, Robert H. “Child Custody Revisited.” Law and Contemporary Problems 77, no. 1 (2014): 249–270. https://dash.harvard.edu/server/api/core/bitstreams/7312037d-6a00-6bd4-e053-0100007fdf3b/content
- Nielsen, Linda. “Joint Versus Sole Physical Custody: Children’s Outcomes Independent of Parent–Child Relationships, Income, and Conflict in 60 Studies.” Journal of Divorce & Remarriage 59, no. 4 (2018): 247–281. https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/10502556.2018.1454204
(Accessible PDF version mirrored by Child Rights NGO): https://childrightsngo.com/newdownload/downloadsection7/Shared%20Parenting%20Research%202018%20Linda%20Nielsen%20JDR%2060%20studies.pdf - O’Brien, Robert C. “Child Support and Joint Physical Custody.” Catholic University Law Review 70, no. 4 (2021): 735–777. https://scholarship.law.edu/context/scholar/article/2035/viewcontent/Child_Support_and_Joint_Physical_Custody.pdf
- Orr v. Orr, 440 U.S. 268 (1979). U.S. Supreme Court. Official opinion PDF via Library of Congress. https://tile.loc.gov/storage-services/service/ll/usrep/usrep440/usrep440268/usrep440268.pdf
- Pinsker, Beth. “How Bread-Winning Women Are Driving Alimony Reform.” Reuters, November 18, 2015. https://www.reuters.com/article/markets/wealth/how-bread-winning-women-are-driving-alimony-reform-idUSKCN0T61O8/
- Reuters Staff. “Divorce Courts Mirror Society as More Women Pay Alimony.” Reuters, May 10, 2012. https://www.reuters.com/article/lifestyle/divorce-courts-mirror-society-as-more-women-pay-alimony-idUSBRE8490YX/
- Scott, Elizabeth S. “Child-Custody Decisionmaking.” Law and Contemporary Problems 77, no. 1 (2014): 69–108. https://scholarship.law.columbia.edu/context/faculty_scholarship/article/1393/viewcontent/ScottE___Child_Custody_Decisionmaking.pdf
- Subramanian, Sushma. “Who Gets the Child?” The Washington Post Magazine, January 18, 2022. https://www.washingtonpost.com/magazine/2022/01/18/states-are-increasingly-considering-equal-shared-parenting-custody-cases-this-young-kentucky-couple-serve-test-case/
- U.S. Census Bureau. “Child Support — U.S. Census Bureau.” Topic hub with data and methodology. https://www.census.gov/topics/families/child-support.html
- U.S. Census Bureau. “Custodial Parents/Guardians Who Received Child Support: 2017.” Detailed tables from SIPP. https://www.census.gov/data/tables/2017/demo/families/sipp-cs-tables-2017.html
- U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, Office of Child Support Enforcement. Essentials for Attorneys in Child Support Enforcement: Chapter 15 — Access and Parenting Time. https://acf.gov/sites/default/files/documents/ocse/essentials_for_attorneys_15.pdf
- Warshak, Richard A. “Social Science and Parenting Plans for Young Children: A Consensus Report.” Psychology, Public Policy, and Law (consensus white paper PDF). 2014. https://www.5thjudicialdistrict.com/wp-content/uploads/family-court/family-court-services/14-2014WarshakConsensusAttachment.pdf
- Warshak, Richard A. “International Consensus on Shared Parenting and Overnighting.” Journal of the American Academy of Matrimonial Lawyers 30 (2017): 1–34. https://www.aaml.org/wp-content/uploads/MAT102_10.pdf
- Wayne Law Review. “Child Custody Decisions: Should the ‘Best Interests of the Child’ Standard Be Replaced?” Wayne Law Review 65 (2019): 175–210. https://waynelawreview.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/10/65WayneLRev175.pdf
State-Level Practice and Comparative Parenting-Time Data
- Custody X Change. “How Much Custody Time Does Dad Get in Your State?” 2018 study page. https://www.custodyxchange.com/topics/research/dads-custody-time-by-state.php
- Custody X Change. “How Much Custody Time Does Dad Get in Your State? — Appendix & Methodology.” https://www.custodyxchange.com/topics/research/dads-custody-time-by-state-appendix.php
Case Summary (secondary reference for accessibility)
- Oyez. “Orr v. Orr.” Case summary and holdings. https://www.oyez.org/cases/1978/77-1119
Discover more from Timothy Alexander
Subscribe to get the latest posts sent to your email.